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From
'Living in Room 101'
by Kevin Williams, Planet 147
Anne Robinson's sad little affair in Room 101 stirred up
a furore in Wales. The columns of our newspapers were full
of indignant letters and aggrieved comment in response to
her "outrageous and offensive remarks" (The Western
Mail, 12.3.01). Politicians huffed and puffed. Monmouth MP
Huw Edwards said she had "tarnished the image of Wales
and the people of Wales," while Plaid chief Ieuan Wyn
Jones wrote in the News of the World (11.3.01) of the widespread
agreement in Wales that she had "gone beyond the bounds
of acceptable comment". Other MPs called for Robinson
to be hauled before the Welsh Affairs Select Committee to
apologise for her "racism", a charge echoed in the
Welsh Mirror which branded her "the racist link"
(6.3.01) for her attack on the country, its people and its
language. John Humphrys and Huw Edwards, our successes in
BBC London, stood up to defend the nation's honour in its
time of need. Humphrys as "a proud Welshman" told
Daily Mail readers that Wales is a "cultural jewel"
with "great singers who tower above the world's great
opera houses as well as the popular music scene" (8.3.01),
while Edwards crossed swords with his bosses over their decision
to repeat the Robinson interview. Even normally sensible political
figures such as Paul Flynn joined the bandwagon, offering
a list to thank the Lord we are Welsh - unfortunately the
list mostly comprised the same tired old names, including
Shirley Bassey and Tom Jones (South Wales Echo, 9.3.01).
What is amazing about this outpouring of injured pride is
how quickly a tasteless, unamusing joke, cracked on a relatively
unwatched television programme, became a major matter of national
honour and respect. Many figures in the political and cultural
elite of our nation as well as a segment of popular opinion
have tried - and are still trying - to represent Robinson's
ill-chosen words as, symbolically, a defining moment in Welsh
political life. We are being told we must seriously engage
with Robinson as her remarks represent a pattern of anti-Welshness
that is becoming more acceptable in British life. The nation
must rise with one voice to challenge these derogatory and
insulting words about who we are. For some, this represents
Wales finding its feet. It is a reflection of a new-found
national vigour that indicates that we are no longer going
to put up with the litany of anti-Welsh jibes that have littered
our history. The First Minister warned anyone thinking of
following Robinson's example that "we are not putting
up with this any more" (yougov.com 30.3.01).
How can we explain the emotional spasm of Robinson's Welsh
incident? Perhaps we should see it as a symptom of a more
deep-seated and multi-layered malaise over what devolution
is and should be about. Robinson's perceived slights have
had such an impact because of the vacuum in political thinking
in the "new" Wales. It is important to remember
Wales and her people were totally unprepared for devolution.
Unlike Scotland, there was no popular demand for political
change. Wales never went through the process of discussing
what devolution could and should mean as the Scots did with
their Constitutional Convention. The leading political force
in the land, the Wales Labour Party, did not have enough confidence
to encourage public debate nor even open discussion amongst
its own members. And with the chronic under-development of
civil society there were no powerful, independent voices outside
the political process able to pursue a discourse with policy-makers
and the public about devolution.
The Welsh media did attempt a few pages here, and a few programmes
there, around what The Western Mail labelled "The Nationhood
Debate", but in an overwhelmingly tabloid-reading nation
whose aerials are more often than not tuned into English television
these efforts passed by most people. And, perhaps on a more
controversial point, it seemed to me that Wales's cultural
elite never really departed from individual reflections on
what it means to be Welsh in order to organise any serious
collective interaction with the public. Hence the only debate
about what devolution and the National Assembly could do for
Wales was crammed into the period between Tony Blair's election
victory and the 1997 referendum. Such a politically charged
atmosphere was not conducive to serious reflection
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